The rich coverage and insightful data within the essays raise particularly important questions for consideration for the study of the future of democracy in Europe. Hence this work represents a must read for scholars and practitioners in this important field of human endeavour and the book a timely and welcome contribution to the Palgrave Political Communication and Campaigning series.
Political Communication and European Parliamentary Elections in Times of Crisis
Lilleker, Medijske Studije, Vol. Added to basket. A Song of their Own.
Joy Bounds. Election Notebook.
Political Communication in European Parliamentary Elections
Nick Robinson. The Modi Effect. Lance Price. Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail ' Hunter S. How to Win an Election. Quintus Tullius Cicero. Hacking the Electorate. Eitan D.
Double Down. John Heilemann. The Scottish Suffragettes. Leah Leneman.
The Irish Voter. Michael Marsh. Will the European Council consider these candidates in their nomination for Commission President? And, what are the consequences of new majorities in the European Parliament for the election of the Commission President? His research focusses on the way processes of internationalization — European integration in particular — affect established practices and understandings of democracy and solidarity. Her research interests comprise political communication and journalism, political behaviour, public opinion and legislative behaviour with a regional focus on the European Union.
Her work feeds into debates about the legitimacy and accountability of politics. Linda is an expert in the broad field of populist political communication, studying the role of communication in the success of populist parties. Her broader research interests include electoral behaviour, election campaigns, media use, media effects, and political communication in general.
Before moving to the Netherlands he was a barrister in London. He researches and writes on EU constitutional and free movement law, and since the referendum in he has become a regular radio and occasional TV commentator on Brexit affairs. With the exception of the far-right Finns Party and the splinter party Blue Reform, Finns have a moderate attitude towards migration.
All major parties would be ready to consider improving the prospects for legal migration into the EU for economic and humanitarian reasons. Two centre-right parties — the National Coalition Party and the Centre Party — and Blue Reform together form the current ruling coalition. Blue Reform includes moderate former members of the Finns Party but it is currently polling at just percent of the vote and has no chance of winning any MEP seats.
On the other side of the political spectrum, the Social Democratic Party a member of the Socialists and Democrats EP group is one of the three major parties in Finland. Polling at percent, it is also projected to win three or four MEP seats. The Green League, supported by percent of voters, should secure one or two seats. The Finns Party has splintered during the current parliamentary term. After the departure of more moderate members, who created Blue Reform and joined the ruling coalition, the Finns Party has drifted even further towards the radical right.
Anti-refugee, Eurosceptic, and increasingly anti-globalisation, it has the steady support of around 10 percent of the electorate. This should provide it with at least one MEP. It can also expect to win one MEP seats. There is, however, no prospect of cooperation between the two, despite the fact that they both criticise the current state of the EU.
In France, EP election turnout has always been just below the EU average — around 40 percent on the last two occasions. Turnout is expected to increase to percent in , mostly due to the Europeanisation of several national issues, such as migration and the economy, under President Emmanuel Macron. Following the gilets jaunes yellow vests protests, France will likely fail to meet some of the Maastricht criteria — notably, the deficit-to-GDP ratio limit of 3 percent in The protests will have repercussions for the broader themes of the campaign, as well as for the French political landscape: the possibility of a gilets jaunes party running for the EP election should not be discounted.
The Greens — who are pro-European — should also gain six or seven seats. It is projected to win around 22 MEP seats. It is projected to win ten seats. There is a sense of responsibility associated with the EP elections among large parts of the German political class, which reflects its traditional belief in the EU system. Although Germany has more MEPs than any other country as it has the largest population in the EU , the German public still perceives EP elections as less important than national or regional ones — meaning that national issues usually dominate EP campaign debates.
This trend might continue in , especially given uncertainty over the fate of the current ruling coalition led by Chancellor Angela Merkel, and important upcoming elections in the eastern states of Brandenburg, Saxony, and Thuringia. Turnout in the EP election is projected to be at around 43 percent. As there is no electoral threshold in the vote and the whole country constitutes a single constituency, relatively small parties will have an opportunity to win MEP seats. The party has its largest potential supporter base in eastern Germany, as does Die Linke.
The EP election will signal how these changes are unfolding. Migration and border controls will be among the most high-profile topics of debate, largely due to the anti-refugee rhetoric of the far right in recent years. Although it was disappointed with its vote share of This shift in German politics is likely to have a significant effect at the European level: the SPD is projected to lose more than ten seats, bringing its total to The Green Party is projected to capitalise on its improving fortunes at home, gaining 19 seats in the EP election.
But the party is still debating this position. This year, the party is projected to win at least 13 MEP seats. On the far left, Die Linke has a populist bent, despite generally focusing on social Europe and a humanitarian approach to asylum and migration policy. The party advocates an alternate security system to NATO — with some of its members supporting a softer policy on Russia — but has not abandoned its overall commitment to EU institutions and the euro.
Greece is one of four EU member states that has compulsory voting, which partly explains its high if declining turnout at EP elections. The EP election will coincide with regional and municipal polls in Greece, which should ensure a high turnout. There is even a possibility that the government, led by the left-wing Syriza, may call a snap parliamentary election the same day in hope of remaining in power nationally.
The party expects that voters upset with austerity will cast protest votes in the EP election, but not the national one. If that happens, it should boost turnout even further — to the benefit of pro-EU parties, whose supporters are relatively unlikely to turn out. Given the timing of regional and municipal elections, and even the chance of a general election the same day, the campaign may focus even more than usual on local and national issues.
Syriza will campaign for less austerity and higher taxes on companies. The conservative New Democracy the main opposition party, which is leading in the polls may campaign for less taxation, more investment, and more Europe. The question of EU migration policy will be debated too, particularly in the context of expectations of greater cooperation with other EU countries on the issue. Syriza — which is often seen externally as a populist left-wing party and is a member of European United Left—Nordic Green Left — currently occupies the centre-left of the political spectrum in Greece.
It should finish second and gain seven seats. Both parties favour deeper European integration and focus on strengthening the rule of law across the EU.
However, the former is divided on the issue of migration, and the latter on trade liberalisation. It should win two EP seats. Two Eurosceptic Greek parties are expected to win seats in the EP in There is no plausible way in which these two Eurosceptic parties will collaborate. EP elections attract significantly lower interest in Hungary than national or local elections: they had a turnout of 36 percent in and 29 percent in Most Hungarian MEPs, with some notable exceptions, are not widely known at home.
Hungarians can only vote for lists at EP elections, not for individual candidates. The ruling party seeks to strengthen its legitimacy in Europe, including on controversies about the rule of law in Hungary. As it stands, increased participation in the EP election could favour Fidesz. Current polls suggest it will receive the support of percent of active voters, or percent of the entire electorate. The government will make migration and the call to change the current EU leadership the central issues of the EP election campaign. The same share of the population is satisfied with the efforts the government has made to address the problem.
This puts opposition parties in a very difficult position. They may try to focus attention on other issues, such as corruption cases within the government. The right-wing Fidesz completely dominates the Hungarian political scene. Current polls project that it will win MEP seats in , and that its main rivals — the far-right Jobbik and the social democratic MSZP — will gain just percent and percent of the vote respectively, or MEPs each.sitchatiltpul.tk
Political Communication in European Parliamentary Elections: 1st Edition (Hardback) - Routledge
The centre-left Democratic Coalition and the green Politics Can Be Different are projected to win percent seats and percent seat each. It remains to be seen whether Fidesz will remain in the EPP after the vote or will join a new anti-European bloc. If the party was excluded from the EPP before May , or had its membership rights suspended, this could be an important shock in the campaign. However, this currently looks unlikely and it is unclear what its effects would really be.
Momentum — a new, pro-European centrist party established in — is polling at percent of the vote, but its urban and educated supporters may mobilise at the EP election, potentially enabling the party to secure one MEP seat. Jobbik broke up after the national parliamentary election. More extremist former members of Jobbik have established a new party, Our Home Movement, which polls at just percent currently but could eventually draw some support away from Jobbik — although with little chance of passing the 5 percent threshold needed to claim at least one MEP seat.
This should also be the case this year, with turnout almost certain to exceed 50 percent, and possibly close to 60 percent. There are three good reasons to expect a high turnout. Firstly, the EP election will coincide with local elections across the country. Secondly, the stakes are slightly higher this time following an increase in the number of Irish MEPs, from 11 to And Brexit has already had the effect of bringing greater awareness of EU issues to the Irish public.
This renewed focus on Europe should drive mainstream parties to appoint relatively high-profile candidates.